Transnational Movements in Adams Morgan

I was unable to find much information regarding NGOs, religious groups, or other social movements as they pertain to Adams Morgan, therefore I have taken a somewhat unconventional approach to this.

Adams Morgan is an ethnically diverse neighborhood historically inhabited by waves of immigrants. Currently, it is in the midst of changing from an immigrant (primarily Hispanic) neighborhood to a younger and higher income middle class neighborhood by means of gentrification.

Gentrification itself can be considered a transnational movement, as it works in virtually the same way everywhere it's applied and occurs both as a development strategy and a natural process all around the world.

One interesting aspect that gentrification has had on Adams Morgan is that has reduced crime over the years. Adams Morgan was once a hotbed for crime and gang activity, particularly that of Salvadorian gang MS13.

Gangs are also transnational movements, although not necessarily the first thing that comes to mind when the term is mentioned. MS13 originated in Los Angeles after the civil war in El Salvador in the 1980s and has spread throughout the nation. It is suggested to have about 5,000 members in the DC area, most of which are or have been concentrated in Adams Morgan.

In the case of Adams Morgan, it appears that gentrification is occurring as a natural process and is receiving little, if any, help from the DC government. There are many signs advertising properties for sale via Southeby's International Reality, indicating that this is an area where properties are targeted to mostly upper income individuals.

Gentrification and the changing of Adams Morgan will no doubt leave little room for gangs like MS13 to operate, seeing as those moving into the neighborhood are not in the gang's target demographic and higher income individuals have little tolerance for gang presence and the crime it generates.

Thus, it seems like the future of the neighborhood will be shaped by the declining influence of one transnational movement (gangs), and the increasing influence of another movement (gentrification).

Criminality in Adams Morgan

Many neighborhoods in Washington DC have undergone significant economic change over the past two decades. This shifting economic climate has in many cases brought about a change in neighborhood character. One of the most important indicators in this regard is census data, which is available concerning both poverty and crime rates.

Adams Morgan is composed of four main census tracts, 38, 40.01, 40.02, and 42.01. In three of these tracts, poverty decreased over the period of 1990 to 2010, indicating that some gentrification is taking place.

The census breaks up crime data into two categories, violent crime and property crime. Two of Adams Morgan's tracts showed a decrease in violent crime, one tract showed an increase, and the final tract showed no change. Interestingly enough, the tract that showed the increase in violent crime is also the tract with a large amount of high density housing. All tracts showed a decrease in property crime.

Interestingly, of the two tracts that showed a decrease in violent crime, one tract showed an increase in the poverty rate. This is a perfect example of Jane Jacobs' observations that a neighborhood's primary source of policing is the community that exists along a neighborhood's streets. Self-policing is vital to a neighborhood, as it preserves the strength and status of the community.

As for the one tract that showed a decrease in the violent crime rate correlated with a decrease in the poverty rate, this can most likely be explained by the fact that higher income individuals have a lower propensity towards violent crime, and thus as higher income residents replace lower income residents, crime will decrease.

Adams Morgan also has a Latino liaison unit of the Washington DC Police Department. This is especially important, because Adams Morgan, as well as nearby Columbia Heights, have historically been immigrant neighborhoods and contain a large number of Spanish speaking residents.

This represents another aspect of policing that is currently starting to be deployed in many urban areas, one in which the police hold dialogue with the community and offenders to inform them what the consequences of criminality might be, entice them to stop, and provide resources to help them.

This approach, commonly known as Ceasefire, is advocated by criminologist David Kennedy and was first tried in Boston in the early 1990s, but was ended because of inadequate explanations of the program to new members of the police department and a lack of commitment from the broader city government.

Kennedy later went on to implement this in other cities with a similar result, that it caused a dramatic drop in gang violence and drug crime, but it was not handed down from one administration to the next, and ultimately failed.

In his book, titled Don't Shoot, Kennedy discusses how he then went on to implement this program in other cities, enlisting help from mayors and other city officials to insure that the program would last as personnel changes within departments took place. Cincinnati has become the most recent poster child of this program, commencing its version in 2009.

Washington DC had its own version of this program in the mid 1990s, focusing mainly on gun violence and then-illegal gun ownership. I was unable to determine if this program had been implemented to focus on gangs, drugs, or domestic violence.

Globalization In Adams Morgan

Adams Morgan is an extremely diverse neighborhood, and it has a long history as an immigrant melting pot. This is seen predominantly in the diversity of its businesses along 18^th Street and Columbia road. Business establishments in Adams Morgan serve clientele of all socioeconomic levels, and the neighborhood does not cater itself solely towards a specific group of people.

Many of the businesses in Adams Morgan are restaurants, and a large variety of cuisines are represented. Indian, Italian, Chinese, Ethiopian, American, Peruvian, and Hispanic restaurants are all present in the neighborhood, as are a variety of coffee shops, frozen yogurt shops, and chocolatiers.

A popular Hispanic restaurant. 

Those patronizing the restaurants are not limited to young, single urbanites, and many restaurants have a clientele that reflects the ethnicity of their food.

In addition to restaurants, Adams Morgan has other kinds of businesses that add to the neighborhood diversity. A Shop selling Himalayan clothing and baskets, vintage clothing stores, an architectural antiques store, a Halal meat market, stores dedicated to “alternative culture” (the store I thought was a news stand turned out to be a head shop), and most of DC's remaining record stores are all located within Adams Morgan.

Interesting wall art...

Cupcakes yes please. 

In addition to these, there are also many dry cleaning stores, convenience stores, take out pizza restaurants, and a Middle Eastern news outlet, many of which cater to a specific, lower income, clientele.

One of infinitely many dry cleaners in Adams Morgan

 Middle Eastern bookstore

Liquor store and take out restaurant on Columbia Road

There are also many signs of the global economy in Adams Morgan. Several banks are located in the neighborhood, and Verizon Wireless, Raido Shack, Cricket Mobile, Safeway, Game Stop, McDonalds', and CVS Pharmacy have all opened up stores in the neighborhood.

Uh oh

There's also a Starbucks across the street. Go figure. 

Adams Morgan has no Metro station inside its bounds, something that may have helped to preserve its ethnic and economic diversity, as there was no impetus for massive redevelopment or rise in real-estate prices. Instead, frequent bus service is provided by both Metrobus and the DC circulator. Future streetcar service to the neighborhood is also planned, but there is no time frame for this.

The streets of Adams Morgan are decorated with banners promoting the neighborhood and the activities that one can do in it, serving as advertising to tourists and helping to define the boundaries of the neighborhood.  

Tours are offered.... 

Adams Morgan Census Data

Adams Morgan is composed of several census tracts: 38, 40.01, 40.02, 42.01 and 62.02. I focused on the years of 1990, 2000, and 2010.

In 1990, the population of tract 38 was recorded to be 4,108. It increased to 4,427 in 2000 and again to 4,718 in 2010.

During this time period, the percentage of black residents in this tract declined steadily, from 49% in 1990 to 34% in 2000 to 19% in 2010. The percentage of Hispanic residents was given as 18% in 1990, 27% in 2000, and 20% in 2010.

Poverty in this tract was recorded as 18% in 1990, 21% in 2000, and 12% from 2005-2009, with 2010 data being unavailable. Unemployment steadily decreased during this period, it was recorded as 7.2% in 1990, 51.% in 2000, and 4.6% from 2005-2009. 348 people were listed as receiving food stamps in 2000, which increased to 420 in 2010. 175 families were listed as receiving TANF assistance in 2000, decreasing to 110 in 2010.

Violent crimes for this tract decreased slightly from 15 per 1000 people in 2000 to 14 per 2000 people in 2010. Property crimes also decreased over this period, from 64 per 1000 people in 2000 to 40 per 1000 people in 2010.

In 1990, the population of tract 40.01 was recorded to be 2,860. In 2000, it increased to 3,331, and in 2010 it increased further to 3,745.

During this time period, the percentage of black residents in this tract declined steadily, from 7.4% in 1990 to 5.0% in 2000 to 4.3% in 2010. The percentage of Hispanic residents was given as 11% in 1990, 6% in 2000, and 9.3% in 2010.

The poverty rate of this tract was given as 5.7% in 1990, 5.2% in 2000, and 3.5% from 2005-2009. Unemployment was given as 1.6% in 1990, 0.6% in 2000, and 3.9% from 2005-2009. 2010 data was not available for either of these statistics. In 2000, 29 people were noted to be receiving food stamps, and this number increased to 42 in 2010. 14 people were recorded as receiving TANF assistance in 2000. 1990 data was not available for these statistics, and 2010 data was not available for the latter.

Crime data was not available for 1990, but violent crimes increased from 1.8 per 1000 people in 2000 to 6.1 per 1000 people in 2010. During this same time, property crime decreased, from 31 per 1000 people in 2000 to 28 per 1000 people in 2010.

For tract 40.02, the population showed a sustained decrease over these three census periods, from 3,181 in 1990, to 2,954 in 2000, and 2,797 in 2010. The percentage of black residents fell as well, from 18% in 1990, to 12% in 2000, and 8.3% in 2010. The percentage of Hispanic residents decreased as well, from 12% in 1990 and 2000 to 8.9% in 2010.

During the 1990 period, poverty in this tract was measured to be 8.2%, decreasing to 5.1% from 2000 to 2009. Unemployment decreased as well, from 3.5% in 1990 to 2.7% in 2000, and to 2.6% in 2010. However, the number of residents receiving food stamps increased from 29 in 2000 to 42 in 2010, and 14 families received TANF assistance in 2000.

The violent crime rate for this tract showed no change, staying at 12 per 1000 residents, the property crime rate decreased, from 68 per 1000 residents in 2000, to 55 per 1000 residents in 2010.

For tract 42.01, the population showed sustained decrease as well, from 3,714 in 1990, to 3,359 in 2000, and to 3,342 in 2010. The percentage of black residents decreased as well, from 26% in 1990, to 13% in 2000, and 7.9% in 2010. This trend continued with Hispanic residents, who made up 14% of the population in 1990, 11% in 2000, and 8% in 2010.

The poverty rate for this tract increased during this time period, with 8.1% of residents in poverty in 1990, 9% in 2000, and 16% from 2005-2009. 2010 data was not available. Similarly, the unemployment rate for this tract increased over this time period, starting at 1.8% in 1990, continuing to 2.7% in 2000, and decreasing slightly to 2.5% in the 2005-2009 period.

Similarly, the number of residents receiving food stamps increased from 57 in 2000 to 65 in 2010. The number of families receiving TANF assistance increased slightly, from 15 in 2000 to 18 in 2010.

Violent crime decreased slightly over this time period, with 9.8 crimes per 1000 residents recorded in 2000, and 8.7 crimes per 1000 residents recorded in 2010. Property crime decreased as well, with 43 crimes per 1000 residents in 2000, and 32 crimes per 1000 residents in 2010.

The final tract that composes Adams Morgan is 62.02. Tract 62.02 contains the National Mall as well as other parkland, and no demographic data is available.

Overall, about half the neighborhood increased in population, while the other half declined. This could simply be due to a desire for less dense living, and thus represent a shift in population from one side of the neighborhood to the other, or it could be due to gentrification. The fact that the black and Hispanic populations showed a decrease over this time frame signifies that gentrification is occurring throughout the entirety of Adams Morgan, although in some areas this does not correlate to a decrease in unemployment or a decrease in crime.

Interestingly, an increase in the unemployment rate or poverty rate does not correlate to an increase in the crime rate. This shows that the sense of community that has developed within Adams Morgan has not necessarily been hindered by gentrification, something that generally causes concern when a neighborhood evolves.

The Ghosts of Pruitt-Igoe

A 2010 phone interview with the St. Louis Post-Dispatch from Shaun Donovan, the secretary of Housing and Urban Development. 

Use Value Versus Exchange Value in Adams Morgan

The commercial sector of Adams Morgan is primarily focused along 18^th Street and Columbia Road. On the former of these two routes, many of these commercial venues are re-purposed rowhouses. In this section of the neighborhood, the additional exchange value brought in by these properties (additional rent generated by renting to commercial, instead of residential, tenants) has clearly overshadowed the use value of those previously living in those buildings.

However, this situation is complicated by the fact that many of these buildings are mixed use. This allows for the remaining residents to have their use values of their homes increase due to the proximity to shops and restaurants.

Mixed use

The central question on the use versus exchange debate (as presented in Logan and Molotch) should be “whose use values are being impacted and to what end?” not “if and why do increases in exchange values always come at the determent of use values?”. For example, a nightclub can increase the use value of a neighborhood for a single person in the 20-30 age group, but can decrease the use value of that neighborhood for a family with children.

Bars, bars everywhere!

As I noted previously, most purely residential structures in Adams Morgan and the surrounding communities are well maintained and public space is respected by the general community. This not increases the exchange value of the residential and commercial property in the neighborhood (because a safe community can command higher real-estate prices) but also increases the use value of the community for the residents, as well maintained buildings inspire a sense of pride in residents, and well maintained public space encourages residents go outdoors.

Well maintained buildings

In this case, the use value is increased for all groups. Those moving into the neighborhood can utilize its commercial and recreational areas, while long time residents can use the strong sense of community brought about by pride in residence to build their social networks.

Throughout the neighborhood, several condominium buildings were advertizing units for sale. While these advertisements did not have prices listed, one can only assume they cater to those of higher incomes who tend to place exchange value over use value. I noticed several Southeby's International reality signs in front of buildings, a general indicator that they command high exchange values.

Typical condominium building

I also examined the cars lining the street. Very few were noticeably high dollar, but many of them were recent models. The majority of them were in very good condition, indicating a high upper class neighborhood.

Most cars are relatively new

Community gatherings can also affect the use value versus exchange value balance. When I was there most recently, the Adams Morgan Pet-A-Palooza was taking place, and the demographic was skewed accordingly, an example of use value benefiting exchange value for a particular group.

In addition, many community establishments serve the needs of minorities. School banners are posted with one side in Spanish and the other in English, for example. This directly contributes to increased use values for members of the community that do not have a thorough understanding of English.

Overall, I feel that use values and exchange values are fairly well balanced for all groups in Adams Morgan, and that they are somewhat reciprocal to each other, with certain aspects of the built environment that increase exchange value also serving to increase use value.

A Survey of Adams Morgan

For the majority of its existence, Adams Morgan (originally written with a hyphen) has been a community of immigrants and minorities. The neighborhood was formed from combining Meridian Heights, Lanier Heights, Kalorama, and several other neighborhoods. It was created because residents of these neighborhoods wanted a common voice to protest urban renewal plans for this area and thought that their neighborhood could be revitalized through restoration and repair, not reconstruction.  

The residential area of Lanier Heights...

...And the commercial sector of 18th Street.

Adams Morgan is composed primarily of rowhouses, many of which (especially on 18^th Street) have commercial space on their first and second floors. Having been adapted to this purpose, they make 18^th Street the primary commercial artery in the neighborhood. A sidewalk widening project on 18^th Street has recently been completed, this should help the area grow in its role as a commercial hub and pedestrian artery, as well as providing ample space for outdoor restaurant seating.

The wild rowhouse (once endangered) in its native environment.

Newly widened sidewalks.

In addition to the rowhouses, there are also large apartment/condo buildings in the neighborhood. Some of these have been renovated substantially and are quite desirable, others have had less work done to them and appear to be much more affordable. Houses throughout Adams Morgan seem to be well kept up, and a variety of cars are parked on the street. This, combined with the diversity of the commercial enterprises on 18^th Street, leads me to believe that people of varying income levels live in Adams Morgan. If this is correct, than socioeconomic status cannot be determined by the condition of buildings, which I feel is ideal for an urban neighborhood.  

These look like affordable housing...

...And this was found close by.

From a design standpoint, the neighborhood is extremely diverse. In addition to the Modernist residential towers and rowhouses, industrial buildings and warehouses are present, some of these are still being used for light industrial purposes, such as self storage. Others have been converted into offices and condominiums. Government buildings from the later half of the 20^th century are also present, such as the police station and the elementary school.

Modern architecture makes me uncomfortable.

An electrical substation found a block off 18th Street.

Recently, some replenishment of the housing stock has been occurring. Newer, and mostlikely more expensive dwellings have been built and more are under construction. However, some of this newer development does not respect pedestrian space as older development does, despite being of similar density. Other new development may not include provisions for affordable housing.

Does "PH" stand for "public housing"? 

Some newer buildings completely disregard the street.

While the community has gentrified somewhat over the years, it still retains a high degree of diversity and ethnic culture, despite the fact that an Ethiopian grocery store on 18^th Street has recently closed. The commercial scene is primarily composed of bars and restaurants, however, many record stores, vintage stores, book stores, and ethnic stores, as well as several liquor and convenience stores, line 18^th Street, all housed primarily in older construction.

On the left, a liquor store, on the right, a take out restaurant. 

A bit excessive, no? 

A sprinkling of commercial services are also provided in Adams Morgan, such as dry cleaning, dentistry, health and fitness, and shoe repair. I neglected to note the owners of these establishments, but their location and interior decoration led me to believe that they support the greater community, and not just the younger set.

A news stand on 18th Street (these still exist?!)

And a Middle Eastern Affairs bureau.

Despite the revitalization of the neighborhood, there is plenty of evidence of a grittier past. About half of the houses have bars on the windows, and very few pedestrians were present in the residential areas of the neighborhood. The houses with bars on the windows seem to be evenly distributed throughout the neighborhood, leading me to believe they belong to older residents who were present during the time period most of the crime occurred in.

Well-kept houses, but the owners don't feel safe.

Even though Adams Morgan has gentrified somewhat, I feel it is the ideal model for an urban community. It has used the energy and economic potential of the gentry to its benefit, and it has done so without completely neglecting its original, lower income, residents. The commercial enterprises of Adams Morgan cater to both newer, upper income residents who desire active night live, and to lower income residents who have been in the area longer who desire grocery stores, ethnic markets, and community gathering places.

The ubiquitous fixed gear bicycle of gentrification...

...Parked in front of something noticeably non-yuppie.  

Southwest DC and Urban Renewal

In the 1940s, '50s, and '60s, the common consensus among sociologists, architects, and urban planners was that the city needed to be drastically re-imagined in order to address new social concerns, such as the epidemic of urban poverty, and to address new technologies, such as the mass-availability of automobiles.

Urban renewal can be addressed in two contexts, the social and the architectural. I will begin with the social context.

One problem that was seen as central to the epidemic of urban poverty and a result of increasing slum size was loss of community. It was believed that as the population of slums increased, their populace had less and less in common, and therefore less to build a community on, as it was believed at the time that a "community" could only exist in one cultural or ethnic group.  

Southwest in 1949, a year before renewal

With this, it made sense to divide the populace of a neighborhood into exclusive groups and provide for these groups accordingly, or as well as could be expected given the social prejudices of the time.

Southwest DC was an area of extreme poverty, and was deemed so hopeless that the only remedy seemed to be redesigning it altogether. This was at the detriment of the existing residents, the vast majority of whom were African American. They were removed from their houses and social networks and many were not allowed back in. The result was a much more homogeneous neighborhood, but that does not necessarily mean that a stable community developed.

Southwest in 2012

This idea of separation was beginning to be applied to land uses as well, as advances in transportation, first with streetcars, then subways, and finally automobiles, made it possible for one to live farther from where one worked, and the idea that places of residence had to be in close proximity to places of employment was seen as antiquated.

This brings to light the architectural context. Southwest DC was redeveloped almost exclusively in the style of high Modernism, which blended well with the Utopian social ideas of the time. Modern architecture was seen as pure, and free of the ornamentation and frivolousness of the past.  

However, placing functionality and technology over usability caused issues relating to the urban fabric. Modern architecture does not give much room for public space or social gathering, creating buildings which seem bland and uninviting, and separating uses run contrary to the way cities have historically worked. Many buildings have high iron fences around them, and some houses have bars on their windows, indicating that there are still problems with crime in Southwest.

Does this want to be friends with us?

This is immediately noticeable when one examines the foot traffic in Southwest when compared to other areas of Washington. I noticed a distinct lack of pedestrians in Southwest and a plethora of cars, this was understandable, given that entrances to buildings fronted onto parking lots or driveways, and rarely onto sidewalks. An interesting note is the Modernist interpretation of a rowhouse, two story residences built wall-to-wall with each other and with driveways in the front. What they are is immediately apparent, but the fact that they would be included in the renewal is striking at first, perhaps a toung-in-cheek nod to what once was.

Recently, attempts are being taken to revisit Southwest with an eye towards usage patterns of urban areas. Most notably, the redevelopment of the Arena Stage by Bing Thom. Last year, I attended a presentation by Mr. Thom on the renovation of Arena Stage and future plans for Southwest, including discussion of the Southwest Ecodistrict, currently in planning stages. Thom noted that efforts are being considered to greatly increase pedestrian mobility around Southwest, and that these will go a long way towards improving the livability of the area.

The Arena Stage, the old structure is encased in the new shell

Despite the checkered past of Southwest, do not think that it deserves another full scale redevelopment like it had in the 1950s. It is a unique part of DC that should be made to function as well as its built environment will allow, and should serve as an example to future urban planners of how and what not to do. It can almost be thought of as successful simply due to the fact that the renewal efforts did not result in total failure and additional demolition decades after it was built.

Demolition of Pruitt Igoe. St Louis, MO.